Throughout the setting up of the Interim Government in February 2004, the Personal Law was once more the reason behind much agitation when thirteen Shiite plan writers marched out of the discussion on the day the draft was to be sent to print. The incident occurred because others refused to accept the Islamic law the basis for marriage and inheritance issues. Fortunately, their strategies were futile and for the time being, the initial laws that were set up in relation to the women rights and justice in the society stand for the society.
These rules were laid down in 1959 by the Iraqi President Abd al Karim Qasim. This is another example of the Kurdish and Coalition Authority’s resolve to support Iraqi women in their struggle to regain and surpass the degree of rights they were made available previous to 1991 – it was mainly these two actors which fought hard against the reversion to strictly Islamic law. However, at the time being, the problems that are faced by the women in this region need to b solved from the bottom up approach.
With the help of the above study, it has been made quite clear that the policies that had been brought out by the Saddam Husain regime and next government after his downfall, had made a combined effect on the situation of women in Iraq. While there were some liberal provisions for women by the Ba’ath party under Saddam Husain, which were with time put off by the wars that gripped the country and the impact of conservative patriarchal government policies after 1990.
Under the rule of the Ba’ath party, both the women communities of Shiite and Kurdish faced a lot of repression, which was a direct result of gender discrimination. According to the experts, “since the Shiite and Kurdish men were suffering from feelings of rage against the regime and political impotence were also more likely to take out their anger on the one nearby group they did have power over – Shiite and Kurdish women” (Kanan Makiya, 1989). .
Even though the deletion of Saddam’s authoritarianism in 2003 has at this instant finished his regime’s domination and permitted the admission of a numerous of progressive Non governmental organizations in the country, novel pro-female liberation management guiding principles, and autonomous women’s associations, the up to date or existing lack of safety in Iraq as well as resurgent Islamic, conventional and by and large the conventional forces in the country portends not very fair situations for women in Iraq.
However, there is a striking contrast between the northern Kurdish regions which has continuously taken efforts in improving the role of women in the society. The autonomous Kurdish region has made a number of policies to empower women back into the social, political and professional life they were a part of. There are many challenges that are remaining to be overcome in the Kurdish region itself, where the status of women in the society is seen as much more improved than anywhere else in Iraq but still very less than in the west as well as in American Africa and Asia.
In addition, the achievement of Iraqi Kurdistan is in danger of being lost to the elements of a civil war or a theocratic absolute rule if applied to the country in any circumstances. However, if the Iraqis are really concerned about the promotion of a healthy democratic state then they must definitely promote female linearization and equality in the state.
Besides, the Iraqi democratic state which exists as of now, ought to keep away from the formation of a ‘absolute rule or dictatorship of the mainstream,’ a condition in which Shiite spiritual influential leaders may possibly compel their Sharia-based laws upon the rest of the country, thereby curbing the achievements that Iraqi women have made in other parts of Iraq such as Kurdistan. A centralized supporting organization may well set out a lengthy approach towards caring the center or north of Iraq from such a autocracy of the Shiite mainstream, however cannot do much for the female population in the southern part of the country.
Legitimate assurance of anti-discrimination on racial, spiritual and sex basis, as well as social, opinionated, and religious freedoms, add up to one more significant plan for dealing with the troubles of Iraqi women. Although the Interim Constitution of Iraq makes many important provisions for such guarantees, it remains unclear whether or not these guarantees will make it to the drafting of a permanent Iraqi constitution once the Western occupying forces have relinquished control of the country.
Predominantly owing to the comparative limitations of a planned, effectual pressure for women’s wellbeing from the inhabitants at large (the bottom-up approach), the preeminent expectation for Iraqi female population remains with the Iraqi leading government, intercontinental NGOs, overseas government, United Nations employees, and existing governing bodies that are willing to lend a helping hand to eradicate gender bias.